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SBI PO | Preliminary Examination

SBI PO Prelims: full-length mock test 2

A second full-length SBI PO Prelims paper: 100 fresh original questions across English, Quantitative Aptitude and Reasoning, each section on its own 20-minute clock, with one fourth negative marking and the real exam interface.

Before you start

  • Each section has its own clock of 20 minutes. When a section's time is over it locks, and you cannot return to it.
  • This is a full-length paper: 100 questions in 60 minutes, split 30 in English Language, 35 in Quantitative Aptitude and 35 in Reasoning Ability, exactly as SBI sets the Preliminary Examination.
  • Every question carries one mark, and one fourth of a mark is deducted for a wrong answer. Questions left unanswered carry no penalty.
  • No calculator is provided, exactly as in the real Prelims. The on-screen calculator stays disabled for this set.
  • You may change an answer any time while its section is still running.
  • Marking a question for review does not submit it. A marked question with an answer selected is still evaluated.
  • Sections are attempted in the order shown and cannot be reordered, which is how the real paper is administered.

Sections in this test

SectionQuestionsTime
English LanguageEnglish Language3020 min
Quantitative AptitudeQuantitative Aptitude3520 min
Reasoning AbilityReasoning Ability3520 min

Sample questions with worked solutions

A few questions from this test, with the answer key and the method behind it. The full set of 100 runs under a timer, and every solution is on the analysis screen once you submit.

English Language · solved example

Financial inclusion in India is usually reported as a count of accounts opened, and by that measure the last decade looks like an unqualified success. Hundreds of millions of accounts have been created, many for people who had never before set foot in a bank. But an account is a tool, not a destination, and the distance between owning one and using one has turned out to be wide. A striking proportion of the accounts opened under inclusion drives fall dormant within a year, holding a zero balance and recording no transaction. The usual explanation blames the customer's poverty, as though people with little money simply have nothing to deposit. The passage of time has undermined that view. Dormancy is high even among account holders who receive regular wage or welfare transfers, which means money does move through these accounts; it simply does not stay. The more careful reading is that the accounts fail a test of relevance. They are opened to satisfy a target, not to meet a need the holder recognises, and an instrument that answers no felt need is used once and then abandoned. If that reading is right, the policy implication is uncomfortable. Counting accounts measures the ease of supply, which the system has largely solved, while saying nothing about demand, which it has not. A programme judged by the number of accounts it opens will keep opening accounts; a programme judged by whether people's financial lives actually improve would have to do something harder, and quite different.

Which of the following best expresses the central argument of the passage?

  • Counting accounts opened measures the supply of banking but ignores whether the accounts meet a real need, so the headline success hides an unsolved problem of demand.Correct
  • Financial inclusion in India has been an unqualified success over the last decade.
  • Poor people leave their accounts dormant because they have nothing to deposit.
  • The government should stop opening new bank accounts for the poor.
  • Welfare transfers ought to be paid in cash rather than into bank accounts.

Solution

The passage argues that the account-count metric captures supply, which is solved, but not demand or relevance, which is not - so the success is only apparent. Option A states exactly that. B repeats the opening fact the author then complicates. C is the explanation the author explicitly rejects. D and E are policies the author never proposes.

Quantitative Aptitude · solved example

What is the value of 24 x 15 + 18 x 12 - 144?

  • 408
  • 420
  • 432Correct
  • 444
  • 456

Solution

Take it in order of the operations, not left to right. 24 x 15 = 360 and 18 x 12 = 216, so the sum is 360 + 216 = 576, and 576 - 144 = 432. The two subtraction traps are doing 24 x (15 + 18) or subtracting 144 before multiplying; both are avoided by clearing the products first.

Reasoning Ability · solved example

Seven people - A, B, C, D, E, F and G - have an examination on seven different days of the same week, from Monday to Sunday, one examination each day. E has the examination on Wednesday. G has the examination on Sunday. Exactly one person has the examination before F. D has the examination immediately before F. C has the examination immediately after A. B has the examination immediately before A.

Who has the examination on Friday?

  • ACorrect
  • B
  • C
  • D
  • F

Solution

Exactly one person sits before F, so F is second and the person before, D, is first: D on Monday, F on Tuesday. E is on Wednesday. B, A and C form a block - B immediately before A and C immediately after A - which fits Thursday, Friday and Saturday. G takes Sunday. So Friday belongs to A.

English Language · solved example

Financial inclusion in India is usually reported as a count of accounts opened, and by that measure the last decade looks like an unqualified success. Hundreds of millions of accounts have been created, many for people who had never before set foot in a bank. But an account is a tool, not a destination, and the distance between owning one and using one has turned out to be wide. A striking proportion of the accounts opened under inclusion drives fall dormant within a year, holding a zero balance and recording no transaction. The usual explanation blames the customer's poverty, as though people with little money simply have nothing to deposit. The passage of time has undermined that view. Dormancy is high even among account holders who receive regular wage or welfare transfers, which means money does move through these accounts; it simply does not stay. The more careful reading is that the accounts fail a test of relevance. They are opened to satisfy a target, not to meet a need the holder recognises, and an instrument that answers no felt need is used once and then abandoned. If that reading is right, the policy implication is uncomfortable. Counting accounts measures the ease of supply, which the system has largely solved, while saying nothing about demand, which it has not. A programme judged by the number of accounts it opens will keep opening accounts; a programme judged by whether people's financial lives actually improve would have to do something harder, and quite different.

According to the passage, why does dormancy remain high even among those who receive regular transfers?

  • Banks close such accounts to save on maintenance.
  • The money moves through the accounts but does not stay, because the accounts meet no need the holder recognises.Correct
  • The transfers are too small to be worth withdrawing.
  • Such holders own several accounts and use only one.
  • Regulators forbid transactions on inclusion accounts for the first year.

Solution

The passage says dormancy is high even where transfers arrive, so money does move through the accounts but does not stay; the accounts fail a test of relevance. That is option B. The other options invent reasons the passage never gives.

English Language · solved example

Financial inclusion in India is usually reported as a count of accounts opened, and by that measure the last decade looks like an unqualified success. Hundreds of millions of accounts have been created, many for people who had never before set foot in a bank. But an account is a tool, not a destination, and the distance between owning one and using one has turned out to be wide. A striking proportion of the accounts opened under inclusion drives fall dormant within a year, holding a zero balance and recording no transaction. The usual explanation blames the customer's poverty, as though people with little money simply have nothing to deposit. The passage of time has undermined that view. Dormancy is high even among account holders who receive regular wage or welfare transfers, which means money does move through these accounts; it simply does not stay. The more careful reading is that the accounts fail a test of relevance. They are opened to satisfy a target, not to meet a need the holder recognises, and an instrument that answers no felt need is used once and then abandoned. If that reading is right, the policy implication is uncomfortable. Counting accounts measures the ease of supply, which the system has largely solved, while saying nothing about demand, which it has not. A programme judged by the number of accounts it opens will keep opening accounts; a programme judged by whether people's financial lives actually improve would have to do something harder, and quite different.

The author would most likely agree with which of the following statements?

  • A programme measured by accounts opened will tend to keep opening accounts rather than tackle whether they are used.Correct
  • The number of accounts opened is the fairest measure of financial inclusion.
  • Dormant accounts prove that inclusion drives were a waste of money.
  • People without regular income cannot benefit from a bank account.
  • Banks alone, not policy, decide whether inclusion succeeds.

Solution

The closing paragraph says a programme judged by accounts opened will keep opening accounts, while a programme judged by improved financial lives would have to do something harder - option A. B is the metric the author criticises; C overstates the case into 'waste', which the author avoids; D is the rejected poverty explanation; E is not claimed.

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How this test is marked

Correct answer

+1

Wrong answer

-0.25

Unanswered

0

Because a blank carries no penalty, guessing only pays when you can eliminate at least two options. The analysis screen after the test shows you exactly where guessing cost you marks.